Olive Branch Petition
SATURDAY JULY 8, 1775
The Olive Branch Petition, adopted by the Second Continental Congress on July 5, 1775, was a final attempt by the American colonies to avoid a full-scale war with Great Britain. Drafted primarily by John Dickinson, the petition affirmed colonial loyalty to the crown and entreated King George III to address colonial grievances to prevent further conflict. However, preceding the petition was the July 6 Declaration of the Causes and Necessity of Taking Up Arms, which outlined the colonies' reasons for military preparations, thereby diminishing hopes for reconciliation. By the time the petition reached Britain, King George III had already issued the Proclamation for Suppressing Rebellion and Sedition on August 23, 1775, declaring the colonies in a state of open rebellion. Consequently, the Olive Branch Petition was rejected, as the king considered the colonists traitors to the crown.
The Olive Branch Petition of 1775: A Last Attempt at Reconciliation
In the summer of 1775, as tensions between the American colonies and Great Britain escalated into open conflict, the Second Continental Congress took a bold and desperate step. Amidst the opening salvos of the American Revolutionary War, the delegates sought to avoid a full-scale rupture with the British Crown. The result was the Olive Branch Petition, a heartfelt appeal to King George III, pleading for reconciliation and the avoidance of further bloodshed.
The Context of the Petition
The Olive Branch Petition emerged against the backdrop of mounting colonial grievances and increasing hostilities. The punitive measures following the Boston Tea Party, particularly the Coercive Acts of 1774, had galvanized opposition across the colonies. Militias were forming, and the battles of Lexington and Concord in April 1775 had already claimed lives. Despite these developments, many colonial leaders remained reluctant to sever ties with Britain. They envisioned a future where the colonies could enjoy their traditional rights while maintaining loyalty to the Crown.
Within the Continental Congress, a faction led by moderate delegates such as John Dickinson of Pennsylvania championed reconciliation. Dickinson, a prominent lawyer and the author of the influential Letters from a Farmer in Pennsylvania, believed that a peaceful resolution was still possible. The Olive Branch Petition was his brainchild, carefully crafted to articulate the colonies’ loyalty to King George III while asserting their grievances against his ministers and Parliament.
The Petition: Content and Tone
Adopted on July 5, 1775, the Olive Branch Petition was a striking blend of deference and defiance. It began with an earnest declaration of loyalty to the King, portraying the colonies as dutiful subjects who were deeply aggrieved by the policies of his government:
“We, your Majesty’s faithful subjects… beseech your Majesty to prevent the further destruction of your devoted subjects in North America.” [1]
The petition framed the colonial grievances as the result of malicious advice from the King’s ministers, emphasizing that the colonies had no desire to challenge his sovereignty. Instead, it appealed to the King’s sense of justice and humanity, asking him to intercede on their behalf to restore harmony.
The tone was conciliatory, but the document was not without assertiveness. It outlined specific complaints, including oppressive taxation, the use of military force against civilians, and the denial of colonial self-governance. It called for the repeal of the Coercive Acts and other punitive measures while pledging the colonies’ commitment to the British Empire.
Presentation to the King
The Olive Branch Petition was entrusted to Richard Penn and Arthur Lee, who sailed for England in July 1775 to deliver it. The petition reached London at a critical juncture. The Battle of Bunker Hill had occurred just weeks earlier, inflaming tensions further. In the British Parliament and the royal court, many viewed the colonists as insubordinate rebels rather than loyal subjects seeking reconciliation.
When the petition arrived, King George III refused to read it. On August 23, 1775, he issued a Proclamation for Suppressing Rebellion and Sedition, declaring the colonies to be in a state of open rebellion. The King’s response effectively ended any hope of a peaceful resolution and strengthened the argument of those within the Continental Congress who advocated for independence.
Legacy and Impact
The Olive Branch Petition was one of the last significant gestures of reconciliation before the colonies pivoted decisively toward independence. Its failure underscored the intransigence of the British Crown and Parliament and deepened the divide between Britain and the colonies. By early 1776, the publication of Thomas Paine’s Common Sense would articulate the futility of further negotiations and galvanize public support for independence.
Historians often view the Olive Branch Petition as a poignant symbol of the colonies’ initial reluctance to sever ties with Britain. It reflects the deep cultural, economic, and emotional connections that many colonists felt toward the mother country. However, the rejection of the petition demonstrated that those ties had frayed beyond repair, setting the stage for the Declaration of Independence a year later.
The Olive Branch Petition remains a testament to the complex dynamics of the early Revolutionary period—a document borne of hope, shaped by desperation, and ultimately extinguished by the uncompromising forces of war and sovereignty.
Footnotes
- Olive Branch Petition, July 1775, Journals of the Continental Congress.
- Proclamation for Suppressing Rebellion and Sedition, August 23, 1775, Public Records Office.
- Thomas Paine, Common Sense, January 1776, historical pamphlet archives.
- John Dickinson, Letters from a Farmer in Pennsylvania, 1767-1768.
To the King's most excellent Majesty:
MOST GRACIOUS SOVEREIGN,
We, your Majesty's faithful subjects of the
colonies new Hampshire, Massachusetts bay, Rhode island and Providence
Plantations, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, the counties of
New Castle, Kent, and Sussex, on Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina,
and South Carolina, in behalf of ourselves, and the inhabitants of these
colonies, who have deputed us to represent them in general Congress, entreat
your Majesty's gracious attention to this our humble petition.
The union between our Mother country and these
colonies, and the energy of mild and just government, produced benefits so
remarkably important, and afforded such an assurance of their permanency and
increase, that the wonder and envy of other Nations were excited, while they
beheld Great Britain rising to a power the most extraordinary the world had
ever known.
Her rivals, observing that there was no
probability of this happy connexion being broken by civil dissensions, and
apprehending its future effects, if left any longer undisturbed, resolved to
prevent her receiving such continual and formidable accessions of wealth and
strength, by checking the growth of these settlements from which they were to
be derived.
In the prosecution of this attempt, events so unfavorable
to the design took place, that every friend to the interests of Great Britain
and these colonies, entertained pleasing and reasonable expectations of seeing
an additional force and extension immediately given to the operations of
the union hitherto experienced, by an enlargement of the dominions of the
Crown, and the removal of ancient and warlike enemies to a greater distance.
At the conclusion, therefore, of the late war,
the most glorious and advantageous that ever had been carried on by British
arms, your loyal colonists having contributed to its success, by such repeated
and strenuous exertions, as frequently procured them the distinguished
approbation of your Majesty, of the late king, and of parliament, doubted not
but that they should be permitted, with the rest of the empire, to share in the
blessings of peace, and the emoluments of victory and conquest. While these
recent and honorable acknowledgments of their merits remained on record in the
journals and acts of that august legislature, the Parliament, undefaced by the
imputation or even the suspicion of any offense, they were alarmed by a new
system of statutes and regulations adopted for the administration of the
colonies, that filled their minds with the most painful fears and jealousies;
and, to their inexpressible astonishment, perceived the dangers of a foreign
quarrel quickly succeeded by domestic dangers, in their judgment, of a more
dreadful kind.
Nor were their anxieties alleviated by any
tendency in this system to promote the welfare of the Mother country. For tho'
its effects were more immediately felt by them, yet its influence appeared to
be injurious to the commerce and prosperity of Great Britain.
We shall decline the ungrateful task of
describing the irksome variety of artifices, practiced by many of your
Majesty's Ministers, the delusive presences, fruitless terrors, and unavailing
severities, that have, from time to time, been dealt out by them, in their
attempts to execute this impolitic plan, or of traceing, thro'a series of years
past, the progress of the unhappy differences between Great Britain and these
colonies, which have flowed from this fatal source.
Your Majesty's Ministers, persevering in their
measures, and proceeding to open hostilities for enforcing them, have compelled
us to arm in our own defense, and have engaged us in a controversy so
peculiarly abhorrent to the affections of your still faithful colonists, that
when we consider whom we must oppose in this contest, and if it continues, what
may be the consequences, our own particular misfortunes are accounted by us
only as parts of our distress.
Knowing to what violent resentments and
incurable animosities, civil discords are apt to exasperate and inflame the
contending parties, we think ourselves required by indispensable obligations to
Almighty God, to your Majesty, to our fellow subjects, and to ourselves,
immediately to use all the means in our power, not incompatible with our safety,
for stopping the further effusion of blood, and for averting the impending
calamities that threaten the British Empire.
Thus called upon to address your Majesty on
affairs of such moment to America, and probably to all your dominions, we are
earnestly desirous of performing this office, with the utmost deference for
your Majesty; and we therefore pray, you’re your royal
magnanimity and benevolence may make the most favorable construction of our
expressions on so uncommon an occasion. Could represent in their full force,
the sentiments that agitate the minds of us your dutiful subjects, we are
persuaded your Majesty would ascribe any seeming deviation from reverence in
our language, and even in our conduct, not to any reprehensible intention, but
to the impossibility of reconciling the usual appearances of respect, with a
just attention to our own preservation against those artful and cruel enemies,
who abuse your royal confidence and authority, for the purpose of effecting our
destruction.
Attached to your Majesty's person, family, and
government, with all devotion that principle and affection can inspire,
connected with Great Britain by the strongest ties that can unite societies,
and deploring every event that tends in any degree to weaken them, we solemnly
assure your Majesty, that we not only most ardently desire the former harmony
between her and these colonies may be restored, but that a concord may be
established between them upon so firm a basis as to perpetuate its blessings,
uninterrupted by any future dissensions, to succeeding generations in both
countries, and to transmit your Majesty's Name to posterity, adorned with that
signal and lasting glory, that has attended the memory of those illustrious
personages, whose virtues and abilities have extricated states from dangerous
convulsions, and, by securing happiness to others, have erected the most noble
and durable monuments to their own fame.
We beg leave further to assure your Majesty,
that notwithstanding the sufferings of your loyal colonists, during the course
of the present controversy, our breasts retain too tender a regard for the
kingdom from which we derive our origin, to request such a reconciliation as
might in any manner be inconsistent with her dignity or her welfare. These,
related as we are to her, honor and duty, as well as inclination, induce us to
support and advance; and the apprehensions that now oppress our hearts with
unspeakable grief, being once removed, your Majesty will find your faithful
subjects on this continent ready and willing at all times, as they ever have
been, with their lives and fortunes, to assert and maintain the rights and
interests of your Majesty, and of our Mother country.
We, therefore, beseech your Majesty, that your
royal authority and influence may be graciously interposed to procure us relief
from our afflicting fears and jealousies, occasioned by the system before
mentioned, and to settle peace through every part of your dominions, with all
humility submitting to your Majesty's wise consideration whether it may not be
expedient for facilitating those important purposes, that your Majesty be
pleased to direct some mode, by which the united applications of your faithful
colonists to the throne, in pursuance of their common councils, may be improved
into a happy and permanent reconciliation; and that, in the meantime, measures
may be taken for preventing the further destruction of the lives of your
Majesty's subjects; and that such statutes as more immediately distress any of
your Majesty's colonies may be repealed.
For by such arrangements as your Majesty's
wisdom can form, for collecting the united sense of your American people, we
are convinced your Majesty would receive such satisfactory proofs of the
disposition of the colonists towards their sovereign and parent state, that the
wished for opportunity would soon be restored to them, of evincing the
sincerity of their professions, by every testimony of devotion becoming the
most dutiful subjects, and the most affectionate colonists.
That your Majesty may enjoy a long and
prosperous reign, and that your descendants may govern your dominions with
honor to themselves and happiness to their subjects, is our sincere and fervent
prayer.
JOHN
HANCOCK
colony of New Hampshire
John Langdon
colony of Massachusetts bay
Thomas Cushing
Saml Adams
John Adams
Robt Treat Paine
colony of Rhode island and providence plantations
Step Hopkins
Sam: Ward
colony of Connecticut
Elipht Dyer
Roger Sherman
Silas Deane
colony of New York
Phil. Livingston
Jas Duane
John Alsop
Frans Lewis
John Jay
Robt R Livingston junr
Lewis Morris
Wm Floyd
Henry Wisner
New Jersey
Wil: Livingston
John De Hart
Richd Smith
Pennsylvania
John Dickinson
B Franklin
Geo: Ross
James Wilson
Chas Humphreys
Edwd Diddle
counties of New Castle Kent and Sussex on Delaware
Caesar Rodney
Thos Mc Kean
Geo: Read
Maryland
Mat. Tilghman
Thomas Johnson Jr
William Paca
Samuel Chase
Thomas Stone
colony of Virginia
P. Henry Jr
Richard Henry Lee
Edmund Pendleton
Bend Harrison
Th: Jefferson
North Carolina
Will Hooper
Joseph Hewes
South Carolina
Henry Middleton
Tho Lynch
Christ Gadsden
J. Rutledge
Edward Rutledge
colony of New Hampshire
John Langdon
colony of Massachusetts bay
Thomas Cushing
Saml Adams
John Adams
Robt Treat Paine
colony of Rhode island and providence plantations
Step Hopkins
Sam: Ward
colony of Connecticut
Elipht Dyer
Roger Sherman
Silas Deane
colony of New York
Phil. Livingston
Jas Duane
John Alsop
Frans Lewis
John Jay
Robt R Livingston junr
Lewis Morris
Wm Floyd
Henry Wisner
New Jersey
Wil: Livingston
John De Hart
Richd Smith
Pennsylvania
John Dickinson
B Franklin
Geo: Ross
James Wilson
Chas Humphreys
Edwd Diddle
counties of New Castle Kent and Sussex on Delaware
Caesar Rodney
Thos Mc Kean
Geo: Read
Maryland
Mat. Tilghman
Thomas Johnson Jr
William Paca
Samuel Chase
Thomas Stone
colony of Virginia
P. Henry Jr
Richard Henry Lee
Edmund Pendleton
Bend Harrison
Th: Jefferson
North Carolina
Will Hooper
Joseph Hewes
South Carolina
Henry Middleton
Tho Lynch
Christ Gadsden
J. Rutledge
Edward Rutledge
The committee appoint[ed] to prepare a Letter to
the Lord Mayor, reported the same, which was read.
On motion, Resolved, That the above Committee
prepare a letter to Mr. Bollan, Mr. Lee and Mr. R[ichard] Penn, Esqr and the
colony Agents by name in England.
The Congress resumed the Consideration of the
address to the Inhabitants of Gt Britain, which being read and debated by
paragraphs, was approved and ordered to be printed is as follows:
FRIENDS, COUNTRYMEN, AND BRETHREN!
By these, and by every other Appellation that
may designate the Ties, which bind us to each other, we entreat your serious
Attention to this our second Attempt to prevent their Dissolution. Rememberance
of former Friendships, Pride in the glorious Achievements of our common
Ancestors, and Affection for the Heirs of their Virtues, have hitherto
preserved our mutual Connexion; but when that Friendship is violated by the
grossest Injuries; when the Pride of Ancestry becomes our Reproach, and we are
no otherwise allied than as Tyrants and Slaves; when reduced to the melancholy
Alternative of renouncing your Favour or our Freedom; can we hesitate about the
Choices Let the Spirit of Britons determine.
In a former Address we asserted our Rights, and
stated the Injuries we had then received. We hoped, that the mention of our
Wrongs would have roused that honest Indignation which has slept too long for
your Honor, or the Welfare of the Empire. But we have not been permitted to
entertain this pleasing expectation. Every Day brought an accumulation of
Injuries, and the Invention of the Ministry has been constantly exercised, in
adding to the Calamities of your American Brethren.
After the most valuable Right of Legislation was
infringed; when the Powers assumed by your Parliament, in which we are not
represented, and from our local and other Circumstances cannot properly be
represented, rendered our Property precarious; after being denied that mode of
Trial, to which we have long been indebted for the safety of our Persons, and
the preservation of our Liberties; after being in many instances divested of
those Laws, which were transmitted to us by our common Ancestors, and subjected
to an arbitrary Code, compiled under the auspices of Roman Tyrants; after those
Charters, which encouraged our Predecessors to brave Death and Danger in every
Shape, on unknown Seas, in Deserts unexplored, amidst barbarous and
inhospitable Nations, were annulled; when, without the form of Trial, without a
public Accusation, whole Colonies were condemned, their Trade destroyed, their
inhabitants impoverished; when Soldiers were encouraged to embrue their Hands
in the Blood of Americans, by offers of Impunity; when new modes of Trial were
instituted for the ruin of the accused, where the charge carried with it the
horrors of conviction; when a despotic Government was established in a neighboring
Province, and its Limits extended to every of our Frontiers; we little imagined
that anything could be added to this black Catalogue of unprovoked Injuries:
but we have unhappily been deceived, and the late Measures of the Brash
Ministry fully convince us, that their object is the reduction of these
Colonies to Slavery and Ruin.
To confirm this Assertion, let us recall your
attention to the Affairs of America, since our last Address. Let us combat the
Calumnies of our Enemies; and let us warn you of the hangers that threaten you
in our destruction. Many of your Fellow-Subjects, whose situation deprived them
of other Support, drew their Maintenance from the Sea; but the deprivation of
our Liberty being insufficient to satisfy the resentment of our Enemies, the
horrors of Famine were super-added, and a British Parliament, who, in better
times, were the Protectors of Innocence and the Patrons of Humanity, have,
without distinction of Age or Sex, robbed thousands of the Food which they were
accustomed to draw from that inexhaustible Source, placed in their neighborhood
by the benevolent Creator.
Another Act of your Legislature shuts our Ports,
and prohibits our Trade with any but those States from whom the great Law of
self-preservation renders it absolutely necessary we should at present withhold
our Commerce. But this Act (whatever may have been its design) we consider
rather as injurious to your Opulence than our Interest. All our Commerce
terminates with you; and the Wealth we procure from other Nations, is soon
exchanged for your Superfluities. Our remittances must then cease with our
trade; and our refinements with our Affluence. We trust, however, that Laws
which deprive us of every Blessing but a Soil that teems with the necessaries
of Life, and that Liberty which renders the enjoyment of them secure, will not
relax our Vigor in their Defense.
We: might here observe on the Cruelty and
Inconsistency of those, who, while they publicly Brand us with reproachful and
unworthy Epithets, endeavor to deprive us of the means of defense, by their
Interposition with foreign Powers, and to deliver us to the lawless Ravages of
a merciless Soldiery. But happily we are not without Resources; and though the
timid and humiliating Applications of a Brash Ministry should prevail with
foreign Nations, yet Industry, prompted by necessity, will not leave us without
the necessary Supplies.
We could wish to go no further, and, not to
wound the Ear of Humanity, leave untold those rigorous Acts of Oppression,
which are daily exercised in the Town of Boston, did we not hope, that by
disclaiming their Deeds and punishing the Perpetrators, you would shortly
vindicate the Honor of the British Name, and re-establish the violated Laws of
Justice.
That once populous, nourishing and commercial
Town is now garrisoned by an Army sent not to protect, but to enslave its
Inhabitants. The civil (government is overturned, and a military Despotism
erected upon its Ruins. Without Law, without Right, Powers are assumed unknown
to the Constitution. Private Property is unjustly invaded. The Inhabitants,
daily subjected to the Licentiousness of the Soldiery, are forbid to remove in
Defiance of their natural Rights, in Violation of the most solemn Compacts. Or
if, after long and wearisome Solicitation, a Pass is procured, their Edicts are
detained, and even those who are most favored, have no Alternative but Poverty
or Slavery. The Distress of many thousand People, wantonly deprived of the
Necessaries of Life, is a Subject, on which we would not wish to enlarge.
Yet, we cannot but observe, that a British Fleet
(unjustified even by Acts of your Legislature) are daily employed in ruining
our Commerce, seizing our Ships, and depriving whole Communities of their daily
Bread. Nor will a Regard for your Honour permit us to be silent, while British
Troops sully your Glory, by Actions, which the most inveterate Enmity will not
palliate among civilized Nations, the wanton and unnecessary Destruction of
Charlestown, a large, ancient, and once populous Town, just before deserted by
its Inhabitants, who had fled to avoid the Fury of your Soldiery.
If you still retain those Sentiments of
Compassion, by which Britons have ever been distinguished, if the Humanity,
which tempered the Valor of our common Ancestors, has not degenerated into
Cruelty, you will lament the Miseries of their Descendants.
To what are we to attribute this Treatment? If
to any secret Principle of the Constitution, let it be mentioned; let us learn,
that the Government, we have long revered, is not without its Defects, and that
while it gives Freedom to a Part, it necessarily enslaves the Remainder of the
Empire. If such a Principle exists, why for Ages has it ceased to operate ? Why
at this Time is it called into Action ? Can no Reason be assigned for this
Conducts Or must it be resolved into the wanton Exercise of arbitrary Power ?
And shall the Descendants of Britons tamely submit to this?-No, Sirs! We never
will, while we revere the Memory of our gallant and virtuous Ancestors, we
never can surrender those glorious Privileges, for which they fought, bled, and
conquered. Admit that your Fleets could destroy our Towns, and ravage our
Sea-Coasts; these are inconsiderable Objects, Things of no Moment to Men, whose
Bosoms glow with the Ardor of Liberty. We can retire beyond the Reach of your
Navy, and, without any sensible Diminution of the Necessaries of Life, enjoy a
Luxury, which from that Period you will want-the Luxury of being Free.
We know the Force of your Arms, and was it
called forth in the Cause of Justice and your Country, we might dread the
Exertion: but will Britons fight under the Banners of Tyranny? Will they
counteract the Labors, and disgrace the Victories of their Ancestors? Will they
forge Chains for their Posterity? If they descend to this unworthy Task, will
their Swords retain their Edge, their Arms their accustomed Vigor? Britons can
never become the Instruments of Oppression, till they lose the Spirit of
Freedom, by which alone they are invincible.
Our Enemies charge us with Sedition. In what
does it consist? In our Refusal to submit to unwarrantable Acts of injustice
and Cruelty? If so, shew us a Period in your History, in which you have not
been equally Seditious.
We are accused of aiming at Independence; but
how is this Accusation supported? By the Allegations of your Ministers, not by
our Actions. Abused, insulted, and contemned, what Steps have we pursued to
obtain Redress ? We have carried our dutiful Petitions to the Throne. We have
applied to your Justice for Relief. We have retrenched our Luxury, and withheld
our Trade.
The Advantages of our Commerce were designed as
a Compensation for your Protection: When you ceased to protect, for what were
we to compensate ?
What has been the Success of our Endeavors? The
Clemency of our Sovereign is unhappily diverted; our Petitions are treated with
Indignity; our Prayers answered by Insults. Our Application to you remains
unnoticed, and leaves us the melancholy Apprehension of your wanting either the
Will, or the Power, to assist us.
Even under these Circumstances, what Measures
have we taken that betray a Desire of Independence ? Have we called in the Aid
of those foreign Powers, who are the Rivals of your Grandeur? When your Troops
were few and defenseless, did we take Advantage of their Distress and expel
them our Towns? Or have we permitted them to fortify, to receive new Aid, and
to acquire additional Strength?
Let not your Enemies and ours persuade you, that
in this we were influenced by Fear or any other unworthy Motive. The Lives of
Britons are still dear to us. They are the Children of our Parents, and an
uninterrupted Intercourse of mutual Benefits had knit the Bonds of Friendship.
When Hostilities were commenced, when on a late Occasion we were wantonly
attacked by your Troops, though we r spelled their Assaults and returned their
Blows, yet we lamented the Wounds they obliged us to give; nor have we yet
learned to rejoice at a Victory over Englishmen.
As we wish not to colorer our Actions, or
disguise our Thoughts, we shall, in the simple Language of Truth, avow the
Measures we have pursued, the Motives upon which we have acted, and our future
Designs.
When our late Petition to the Throne produced no
other Effect than fresh Injuries, and Votes of your Legislature, calculated to
justify every Severity; when your Fleets and your Armies were prepared to wrest
from us our Property, to rob us of our Liberties or our Lives; when the hostile
Attempts of General Gage evinced his Designs, we levied Armies for our Security
and Defense. When the Powers vested in the Governor of Canada, gave us Reason
to apprehend Danger from that Quarter; and we had frequent Intimations, that a
cruel and savage Enemy was to be let loose upon the defenseless Inhabitants of
our Frontiers; we took such Measures as Prudence dictated, as Necessity will
justify. We possessed ourselves of Crown Point and Ticonderoga. Yet give us
leave most solemnly to assure you, that we have not yet lost Sight of the
Object we have ever had in View, a Reconciliation with you on constitutional
Principles, and a Restoration of that friendly Intercourse, which, to the
Advantage of both, we till lately maintained.
The Inhabitants of this Country apply themselves
chiefly to Agriculture and Commerce. As their Fashions and Manners are similar
to yours, your Markets must afford them the Conveniences and Luxuries, for
which they exchange the Produce of their Labors. The Wealth of this extended
Continent centres with you; and our Trade is so regulated as to be subservient
only to your Interest. You are too reasonable to expect, that by Taxes (in
Addition to this) we should contribute to your Expense; to believe, after
diverting the Fountain, that the Streams can flow with unabated Force.
It has been said, that we refuse to submit to
the Restrictions on our Commerce. From whence is this Inference drawn? Not from
our Words, we have repeatedly declared the Contrary; and we again profess our
Submission to the several Acts of Trade and Navigation, passed before the Year
1763, trusting, nevertheless, in the Equity and Justice of Parliament, that
such of them as, upon cool and impartial Consideration, shall appear to have
imposed unnecessary or grievous Restrictions, will, at some happier Period, be
repealed or altered. And we cheerfully consent to the Operation of such Acts of
the British Parliament, as shall be restrained to the Regulation of our
external Commerce, for the Purpose of securing the commercial Advantages of the
whole Empire to the Mother Country, and the commercial Benefits of its
respective Members; excluding every Idea of taxation internal or external, for
raising a Revenue on the Subjects in America, without their Consent.
It is alleged that we contribute nothing to the
common Defense. To this we answer, that the Advantages which Great Britain
receives from the Monopoly of our Trade, far exceed our Proportion of the Expense
necessary for that Purpose. But should these Advantages be inadequate thereto,
let the Restrictions on our Trade be removed, and we will cheerfully contribute
such Proportion when constitutionally required.
It is a fundamental Principle of the British
Constitution, that every Man should have at least a Representative Share in the
Formation of those Laws, by which he is bound. Were it otherwise, the
Regulation of our internal Police by a British Parliament, who are and ever
will be unacquainted with our local Circumstances, must be always inconvenient,
and frequently oppressive, working our wrong, without yielding any possible
Advantage to you.
A Plan of Accommodation (as it has been absurdly
called) has been proposed by your Ministers to our respective Assemblies. Were
this Proposal free from eatery other Objection, but that which arises from the
Time of the Offer, it would not be unexceptionable. Can Men deliberate with the
Bayonet at their Breast, Can they treat with Freedom, while their Towns are
sacked; when daily instances of Injustice and Oppression disturb the slower
Operations of Reason ?
If this Proposal is really such as you would
offer and we accept, why was it delayed till the Nation was put to useless expense,
and we were reduced to our present melancholy Situation a If it holds forth
nothing, why was it proposed Unless indeed to deceive you into a Belief, that
we were unwilling to listen to any Terms of Accommodation. But what is
submitted to our Considerations We contend for the Disposal of our Property. We
are told that our Demand is unreasonable, that our Assemblies may indeed
collect our Money, but that they must at the same Time offer, not what your
Exigencies or ours may require, but so much as shall be deemed sufficient to satisfy
the Desires of a Minister and enable him to provide for Favourites and
Dependants. A Recurrence to your own Treasury wild convince you how little of
the Money already extorted from us has been applied to the Relief of your
Burthens. To suppose that we would thus grasp the Shadow and give up the
Substance, is adding Insult to Injuries.
We have nevertheless again presented an humble
and dutiful Petition to our Sovereign, and to remove every imputation of
Obstinacy, have requested his Majesty to direct some Mode, by which the united
Applications of his faithful Colonists may be improved into a happy and
permanent Reconciliation. We are willing to treat on such Terms as can alone
render an accommodation lasting, and we hatter ourselves that our pacific Endeavors
will be attended with a removal of ministerial Troops, and a repeal of those
Laws, of the Operation of which we complain, on the one part, and a disbanding
of our Army, and a dissolution of our commercial Associations, on the other.
Yet conclude not from this that we propose to
surrender our Property into the Hands of your Ministry, or vest your Parliament
with a Power which may terminate in our Destruction. The great Bulwarks of our
Constitution we have desired to maintain by every temperate, by every peaceable
Means; but your Ministers (equal Foes to British and American freedom) have
added to their former Oppressions an Attempt to reduce us by the Sword to a
base and abject submission. On the Sword, therefore, we are compelled to rely
for Protection. Should Victory declare in your Favour, yet Men trained to Arms
from their Infancy, and animated by the Love of Liberty, will afford neither a
cheap or easy Conquest. Of this at least we are assured, that our Struggle will
be glorious, our Success certain; since even in Death we shall find that
Freedom which in Life you forbid us to enjoy.
Let us now ask what Advantages are to attend our
Reduction? the Trade of a ruined and desolate Country is always inconsiderable,
its Revenue trifling; the Expence of subjecting and retaining it in subjection
certain and inevitable. What then remains but the gratification of an
ill-judged Pride, or the hope of rendering us subservient to designs on your
Liberty.
Soldiers who have sheathed their Swords in the
Bowels of their American Brethren, will not draw them with more reluctance
against you. When too late you may lament the loss of that freedom, which we
exhort you, while still in your Power, to preserve.
On the other hand, should you prove
unsuccessful; should that Connexion, which we most ardently wish to maintain,
be dissolved; should your Ministers exhaust your Treasures and waste the Blood
of your Countrymen in vain Attempts on our Liberty; do they not deliver you,
weak and defenseless, to your natural Enemies?
Since then your Liberty must be the price of
your Victories; your Ruin, of your Defeat: What blind fatality can urge you to
a pursuit destructive of all that Britons hold dear?
If you have no regard to the Connexion that has
for Ages subsisted between us; if you have forgot the Wounds we have received
fighting by your Side for the extension of the Empire; if our Commerce is not
an object below your consideration; if Justice and Humanity have lost their
influence on your Hearts; still Motives are not wanting to excite your
Indignation at the Measures now pursued; Your Wealth, your Honour, your Liberty
are at Stake.
Notwithstanding the Distress to which we are
reduced, we sometimes forget our own Afflictions, to anticipate and sympathize
in yours. We grieve that rash and inconsiderate Councils should precipitate the
destruction of an Empire, which has been the envy and admiration of Ages, and
call God to witness! that we would part with our Property, endanger our Lives,
and sacrifice everything but Liberty, to redeem you front ruin.
A Cloud hangs over your Heads and ours; 'ere
this reaches you, it may probably burst upon us; let us then (before the
remembrance of former Kindness is obliterated) once more repeat those
Appellations which are ever grateful in our Ears; let us entreat Heaven to
avert our Ruin, and the Destruction that threatens our Friends, Brethren and
Countrymen, on the other side of the Atlantic.
MY LORD,
Permitt the Delegates of the people of twelve
antient colonies, to pay ye Lordship, and the very respectable body of which
you are head, the just tribute of gratitude and thanks, for the virtuous and
unsolicited resentment you have strewn to the violated rights of a free people.
The city of London, my Lord, having in all ages, approved itself the patron of
liberty, and the support of just government, against lawless tyranny and
oppression, cannot fail to make us deeply sensible of the powerful aid, our cause
must receive from such advocates. A cause, my Lord, worthy the support of the
first city in the world, as it involves the fate of a great continent, and
threatens to shake the foundations of a nourishing, and, until lately, a happy
empire.
North America, my Lord, wishes most ardently for
a lasting connection with Great Britain on terms of just and equal liberty;
less than which generous minds will not offer, nor brave and free ones be
willing to receive.
A cruel war has at length been opened age us,
and whilst we prepare to defend ourselves like the descendants of Britons, we
still hope that the mediation of wise and good citizens, will at length prevail
over despotism, and restore harmony and peace, on permanent principles, to an
oppressed and divided empire.
We have the honor to be, my Lord,
With great esteem, yr Lordship's
Faithful friends and fellow-subjects.
Signed by order of the Congress,
JOHN HANCOOK
President.
Ordered, That the above Letter be fairly
transcribed, and signed by the president, and sent by Mr Penn.
The Committee appointed to prepare a letter to
Mr Penn and the Colony Agents, brot in the same, which being read was approved:
GENTLEMEN,
The perseverance of the British ministry in
their unjust and cruel system of colony administration, has occasioned the
meeting of another Congress.
We have again appealed to the justice of our
sovereign for protection age the destruction which his Ministers meditate for his
American subjects. This Petition to his Majesty you will please, Gentlemen, to
present to the King with all convenient expedition, after which we desire it
may be given to the public. We likewise send you our second application to the
equity and interest of our fellow subjects in G B. and also a Declaration
setting forth the causes of our taking up arms: Both which we wish may be
immediately put to press, and communicated as universally as possible.
The Congress entertain the highest sense of the
wise and worthy interposition of the Lord Mayor and Livery of London, in favour
of injured America. They have expressed this, their sense, in a letter to his
Lordship and the livery, which we desire may be presented in the manner most
agreeable to that respectable body.
You will oblige us, Gentlemen, by giving the
most early information to the Congress, and to the speakers of our respective
assemblies, of your proceeding in this business, and such further intelligence
as you may judge to be of importance to America in this great contest.
We are, with great regard, gentlemen, yr most
obedient and very humble serve
By order of the Congress,
[JOHN HANCOCK,Pres.]
Ordered, That the above be fairly transcribed,
and to be signed by the press, and then by him sent under cover? with the
petition to the lying, and address to the Inhabitants of G B. and letter to the
Lo Mayor of London to R[ichard] Penn, Esqr and to request him, in behalf of the
Congress, to join with the Colony Agents in presenting the petition to the Kings
Order of the day put off, and adjourned till
Monday at 9 o'Clock.
Rhetorical Criticism of the Olive Branch Petition
The Olive Branch Petition, drafted primarily by John Dickinson in July 1775, represents a final attempt by the American colonies to reconcile with King George III and avoid a full-scale war. Crafted during a period of mounting tensions, the petition blends appeals to reason, emotion, and shared values, showcasing Dickinson's rhetorical skill and strategic use of language. Below is a rhetorical criticism that examines its structure, figures of speech, and rhetorical strategies.
Overview of the Petition's Structure
The Olive Branch Petition is structured as follows:
- Introduction: Establishes a tone of humility and respect, framing the colonies as loyal subjects.
- Acknowledgment of Shared History: Highlights the bonds between the colonies and Britain.
- Grievances and Appeals: Outlines specific issues, while appealing to the king’s sense of justice and compassion.
- Conclusion: Requests the king’s intervention to restore peace and reaffirms colonial loyalty.
This structure reflects a calculated attempt to balance deference with the articulation of colonial concerns, emphasizing reconciliation over rebellion.
Figures of Speech and Rhetorical Strategies
1. Apostrophe
Dickinson uses apostrophe to directly address King George III, a technique that personalizes the appeal and creates a sense of intimacy and immediacy.
Example:
“Most gracious Sovereign, we, your Majesty's faithful subjects...”
By directly invoking the king, the petition seeks to elicit empathy and responsibility, portraying the colonies as respectful and loyal.
2. Anaphora
The repetition of phrases at the beginning of successive clauses or sentences emphasizes key points and conveys earnestness.
Example:
“We therefore beseech your Majesty... We therefore implore your Majesty... We therefore most humbly supplicate your Majesty...”
The repeated appeals highlight the colonies’ desperation and sincerity, reinforcing the tone of supplication.
3. Pathos (Emotional Appeal)
The petition appeals to the king’s sense of compassion and humanity, seeking to evoke pity and a sense of duty.
Example:
“We beg leave further to assure your Majesty that it is our ardent desire to see the union of the colonies and the mother country restored.”
Words like "beg," "assure," and "ardent desire" evoke a tone of humility and emotional urgency, reinforcing the colonies’ claim of loyalty.
4. Ethos (Credibility and Authority)
Dickinson establishes the colonies' moral and legal authority by framing their grievances within the context of natural rights and British constitutional principles.
Example:
“We shall decline the ungrateful task of describing the irksome variety of artifices practiced by many of your Majesty's ministers.”
By refraining from directly attacking the king, the petition underscores its respectful tone, bolstering its credibility as a sincere plea rather than an act of rebellion.
5. Logos (Logical Appeal)
The petition constructs a rational argument for reconciliation, highlighting the mutual benefits of peace and the dangers of continued conflict.
Example:
“That your Majesty may enjoy long and prosperous reign, and that your descendants may inherit your blessings of these dominions...”
This appeal to shared interests and future stability underlines the logical reasons for the king to intervene.
6. Hyperbole
Dickinson occasionally employs hyperbole to dramatize the consequences of continued discord.
Example:
“If our supplications are disregarded, we shall be forced to consider ourselves as having been abandoned by your Majesty.”
This statement amplifies the stakes, framing the colonies as having no choice but to view the king’s silence as abandonment.
7. Metaphor
Metaphors enrich the language and emphasize the petition’s key themes, particularly unity and loyalty.
Example:
“The bonds of affection which have united us to the throne are now dissolved.”
The metaphor of "bonds of affection" invokes imagery of familial ties, emphasizing the emotional rupture caused by the current crisis.
8. Antithesis
Dickinson contrasts opposing ideas to highlight the colonies’ peaceful intentions against the backdrop of escalating conflict.
Example:
“We shall view the horrors of civil war with the mournful regret of those who labored unsuccessfully to avert them.”
The juxtaposition of “horrors of civil war” and “mournful regret” underscores the colonies’ efforts to prevent bloodshed.
9. Polysyndeton
The use of multiple conjunctions in a list creates a sense of accumulation and urgency.
Example:
“...that your Majesty may never cease to regard the united colonies as part of your dominions, and that they may continue to regard the British crown as their protector, their sovereign, and their friend.”
This repetition of "and" emphasizes the multifaceted relationship between the colonies and Britain, portraying the colonies’ loyalty as steadfast and comprehensive.
10. Litotes
Dickinson employs understatement to convey sincerity and avoid appearing confrontational.
Example:
“We are not insensible of the difficulties that must attend the administration of so extensive an empire.”
This modest phrasing acknowledges the king’s challenges while subtly suggesting that the colonies’ grievances deserve attention.
Stylistic and Persuasive Impact
Dickinson’s rhetorical mastery lies in his ability to weave classical rhetorical strategies into a document designed to persuade a resistant audience. The Olive Branch Petition employs:
- A Respectful Tone: The petition consistently emphasizes loyalty, humility, and a desire for reconciliation, framing the colonies as dutiful subjects rather than rebels.
- Balanced Appeals: The integration of ethos, pathos, and logos creates a well-rounded argument that appeals to the king’s sense of justice, compassion, and self-interest.
- Strategic Ambiguity: While expressing loyalty to the king, the petition subtly critiques his ministers, allowing the colonies to deflect blame while holding the monarchy accountable.
Conclusion
The Olive Branch Petition exemplifies John Dickinson’s rhetorical skill, blending emotional appeals with logical arguments to present a compelling case for reconciliation. The careful use of figures of speech—such as anaphora, metaphor, and antithesis—underscores the colonies’ loyalty while framing their grievances as just and reasonable. Although ultimately rejected by King George III, the petition stands as a testament to the colonies’ initial efforts to resolve the conflict peacefully and their rhetorical sophistication in articulating their cause. Its legacy lies not only in its content but also in its demonstration of the power of rhetoric to navigate political crises.
Continental Congress of the United Colonies Presidents
Sept. 5, 1774 to July 1, 1776
September 5, 1774 | October 22, 1774 | |
October 22, 1774 | October 26, 1774 | |
May 20, 1775 | May 24, 1775 | |
May 25, 1775 | July 1, 1776 |
Commander-in-Chief United Colonies & States of America
George Washington: June 15, 1775 - July 1, 1776
July 2, 1776 to February 28, 1781
July 2, 1776 | October 29, 1777 | |
November 1, 1777 | December 9, 1778 | |
December 10, 1778 | September 28, 1779 | |
September 29, 1779 | February 28, 1781 |
Commander-in-Chief United States of America
George Washington: July 2, 1776 - February 28, 1781
Presidents of the United States in Congress Assembled
March 1, 1781 to March 3, 1789
March 1, 1781 to March 3, 1789
March 1, 1781 | July 6, 1781 | |
July 10, 1781 | Declined Office | |
July 10, 1781 | November 4, 1781 | |
November 5, 1781 | November 3, 1782 | |
November 4, 1782 | November 2, 1783 | |
November 3, 1783 | June 3, 1784 | |
November 30, 1784 | November 22, 1785 | |
November 23, 1785 | June 5, 1786 | |
June 6, 1786 | February 1, 1787 | |
February 2, 1787 | January 21, 1788 | |
January 22, 1788 | January 21, 1789 |
Commander-in-Chief United States of America
George Washington: March 2, 1781 - December 23, 1783
Articles of Confederation Congress
United States in Congress Assembled (USCA) Sessions
United States in Congress Assembled (USCA) Sessions
USCA | Session Dates | USCA Convene Date | President(s) |
First | 03-01-1781 to 11-04-1781* | 03-02-1781 | |
Second | 11-05-1781 to 11-03-1782 | 11-05-1781 | |
Third | 11-04-1782 to 11-02-1783 | 11-04-1782 | |
Fourth | 11-03-1783 to 10-31-1784 | 11-03-1783 | |
Fifth | 11-01-1784 to 11-06-1785 | 11-29-1784 | |
Sixth | 11-07-1785 to 11-05-1786 | 11-23-1785 | |
Seventh | 11-06-1786 to 11-04-1787 | 02-02-1787 | |
Eighth | 11-05-1787 to 11-02-1788 | 01-21-1788 | |
Ninth | 11-03-1788 to 03-03-1789** | None | None |
* The Articles of Confederation was ratified by the mandated 13th State on February 2, 1781, and the dated adopted by the Continental Congress to commence the new United States in Congress Assembled government was March 1, 1781. The USCA convened under the Articles of Confederation Constitution on March 2, 1781.** On September 14, 1788, the Eighth United States in Congress Assembled resolved that March 4th, 1789, would be commencement date of the Constitution of 1787's federal government thus dissolving the USCA on March 3rd, 1789.
Presidents of the United States of America
Capitals of the United Colonies and States of America
Philadelphia | Sept. 5, 1774 to Oct. 24, 1774 | |
Philadelphia | May 10, 1775 to Dec. 12, 1776 | |
Baltimore | Dec. 20, 1776 to Feb. 27, 1777 | |
Philadelphia | March 4, 1777 to Sept. 18, 1777 | |
Lancaster | September 27, 1777 | |
York | Sept. 30, 1777 to June 27, 1778 | |
Philadelphia | July 2, 1778 to June 21, 1783 | |
Princeton | June 30, 1783 to Nov. 4, 1783 | |
Annapolis | Nov. 26, 1783 to Aug. 19, 1784 | |
Trenton | Nov. 1, 1784 to Dec. 24, 1784 | |
New York City | Jan. 11, 1785 to Nov. 13, 1788 | |
New York City | October 6, 1788 to March 3,1789 | |
New York City | March 3,1789 to August 12, 1790 | |
Philadelphia | Dec. 6,1790 to May 14, 1800 | |
Washington DC | November 17,1800 to Present |
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Edited: Open AI. (2024). ChatGPT [Large language model] - https://chatgpt.com
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